Liberal critiques of Michael Moore

The eXile has the story:

This is pretty much the range of Left-intellectual criticism: hate him because he’s fat, aggressive, or, if you have to admit he’s good, then qualify that with lies about his ineffectiveness, which is exactly what he isn’t. This backstabbing Vichy Left attack on Michael Moore is exactly the reaction predicted in the eXile’s May 3, 2003 issue, when Dr. Dolan quoted Eileen Jones of Chapman College’s Film Department: “We’re going to see many, many reasons to repudiate Michael Moore in the coming months. He’s too bold, too outspoken, too smart, too effective — he really hits a nerve. And Lefties can’t handle it. He isn’t a statue of a long-dead Lefty saint, so he must be neutralized! Just wait’ll his next movie comes out, which is going to be a merciless, feature-length drawing-and-quartering of George W. Bush. Then we’ll see some fast and furious repudiations, lemme tell ya!” Folks, you’re supposed to prove our predictions wrong – you’re supposed to make us look like fools, not make yourselves look like predictable single-celled Left-organisms.

It has puzzled me for a long time that supposedly leftwing or liberal people would hate Michael Moore so. It’s no surprise rightwingers hate him, nor is it a surprise that socalled moderates profess to do so, desperate for a bit of rightwing credit, but why would genuine leftists or liberals do so?

Part of it must be the influence of rightwing propaganda: if every day you hear or read how big a liar Moore is, how sloppy with facts and how malicious he is, you might end up believing it yourself. Certainly that happened to me, until I saw Bowling for Columbine myself and realised the critics were all wet.

But as the eXile article in their nuanced way points out, part of it surely is jealousy. There is a liberal establishment in this country which is downright uncomfortable with anybody who threatens to upset the status quo. We saw that with Howard Dean who, if not that leftist, was at least aggressive and the
way he was treated by the Democratic Party’s powers that be. If you have a nice cosy job at a university somewhere, or working in some capacity in washington, no wonder if the very real problems America faces seem to be somewhat less than serious and anyone who draws attnetion to them seems somewhat hysterical…

Fairly unbalanced

Over at the American Street, Doug McDaniel makes swift work of Fox News’ claims about “New York Times ambushing” them:

Fox’s argument doesn’t hold water. You as a reporter do not owe Fox weeks and weeks to give you “their side of the story” in order to be fair and balanced. That is not the basis for objective journalism. You must, however, make sure that you have a documentary record (letters, memos, etc) or multiple human sources for claims made. You only have to be able to back up what you are saying. This whole concept of “equal time” which appears to be some twisted manifestation of political “equal time” just does not hold water.

The rise of hate crime

David Neiwert explains why hate crimes are on the rise again in the USA:

— The country is being led by a cadre of thoughtless fearmongers who do not hesitate to wave the bloody shirt of terrorism to silence their critics and stigmatize anyone who acts “different.” The harmful effects of this behavior from our leadership on the general populace is incalculable.

— A particularly shallow brand of patriotism — replete with jingoist sentiments, hatred of The Other, and a hollow symbolism — has been promoted in every possible avenue, from national television broadcasts to the corner drugstore. This kind of thoughtless “Americanism” is an important feature of many hate crimes (including the one Death on the Fourth of July focuses upon) and plays a significant role in forumulating the motivations for this violence.

— Most of all, a fog of intolerance has filtered across the national landscape over the past decade, thanks mostly to right-wing propagandists with massive popular reach: Rush Limbaugh, Michael Weiner (aka Savage), Dr. Laura, Bill O’Reilly, Ann Coulter, Sean Hannity, and the whole phalanx of their imitators. The thrust of the modern conservative movement has morphed from any sense of real conservative values into a relentless attack on the very notion of tolerance for anyone who is not part of that movement: liberals, gays and lesbians, other faiths, other colors.

Beltway Kool Kids Klub goes to war!

Steve Gilliard deconstructs the Beltway Kool Kids Klub’s support for the war against Iraq:

[…] But in DC, the shootings scared people beyond reason. People like Dowd and Russert were waiting for an issue to say how American they were. Their Irish Catholic upbringing made them not only moral scolds, but eager to revert to the patriotism of their childhood. Hippie politics and the questioning, challenging education promoted by New York’s Jewish intllectuals (and reflected in public school education) never sat well with them. They liked the time when they only had to believe in certain verities, like priests were good and everyone loved the USA.

The shootings, not, 9/11 made them receptive to Bush’s cowboy movie nationalism. The French, instead of providing wise counsel, were to be ridiculed. The Germans, who took a far more absolute stand, were ignored. The fact that the Blair government has never really recovered from the ramp up to war, also ignored.

Ronald Reagan: at least he acted like a great president

Billmon on Ronald Reagan:

In some ways, Reagan’s biggest triumph was the creation an atmosphere of existential crisis, in he could play the stereotypical role of the man on a white horse. He had a brilliant script, written by a new type of PR consultant (Michael Deaver generally gets the top credit) ready to exploit the synergies of the merger between politics and show business. And, like all great myths, it had enough correspondance with the reality of the times to be believable.

But there was always a kind of stage set quality to it – the sense that if you looked behind the facade all you’d find would be plywood and paper mache. The memoirs of many of the administration’s principles – not to mention Richard Morris’s bizarre biography – all reinforce this sense of unreality. On camera, reagan was the Great Communicator. But off camera, he seems to have reverted to a kind of good-natured but mindless passivity – like an actor waiting in his trailer between takes.